Overwiew

Reference

http://fardiyah.blogspot.my/2016/03/a-study-about-rumah-kelantan-malaysia.html
http://insomanyarts.blogspot.my/2015/09/traditional-rumah-kelantan.html
http://buildingconservation.blogspot.my/2007/03/influence-of-social-interaction-in.html
http://des-world-of-architecture.blogspot.my/2011/03/traditional-terengganu-malay-house.html
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tajul_muluk
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rumah_Melayu#Types
http://umkeprints.umk.edu.my/4098/
http://spaj.ukm.my/jsb/index.php/jdb/article/view/95/63
http://psasir.upm.edu.my/29974/
http://smartpanji.blogspot.my/2008/05/pengenalan-rumah-melayu-tradisional.html

Spirit of the house and superstitious belief

Traditional Malay buildings have at their centre a main pillar called the tiang seri where the spirit of the house (semangat rumah) is said to dwell. Sometimes it may decorated with the family kris wrapped in yellow cloth. The construction of any building begins by digging a hole for this central post, accompanied by the recitation of a charm. The best time of day for this is 7 a.m. The workers must ensure that their shadows do not fall on the hole or on the post itself, or illness will follow. Certain materials are then deposited into the hole such as brazilwood (kayu sepang), ebony (kayu arang), scrap metal, tin-ore, a copper coin, a broken hatchet-head, or a candle-nut (buah gorek). To appease the local earth-spirit or demon (jembalang tanah or puaka), the head, feet and blood of an animal are also deposited in the hole. Depending on the malignity of the earth-spirit, the animal may be either a fowl (ayam), a goat (kambing) or a buffalo (kerbau). For a small demon, an egg will suffice. Among the natives of ancient Borneo the victim of this sacrifice would have been human, and the Malay custom of killing an animal for the purpose arose from what was once human sacrifice. As recently as the beginning of the 20th century, the Malaysian government would bury human skulls under the foundation of any large structure.

A number of methods are used to ascertain whether the hole is in a propitious location. In one example a white cup is filled with water, fumigated with incense, and left in the hole overnight. If the cup is still full the next day or has live insects inside, it is a good sign. If the insects are dead or the water has lessened, it is a bad omen. Alternatively, one could wait until everyone has left the area before picking up three clods of soil, holding them over incense, and reciting a certain mantera or mantra. The soil must be taken home without ever turning to look back. Upon arrival, the earth is placed under the occupant's pillow before sleeping. If they have a bad dream, one of the clods is thrown away. This process continues until it results in a good dream, when the clod of earth which induced the dream is placed in the hole and serves as the tiang seri pole's foundation.

An example of a charm recited when erecting the tiang seri runs as follows:

Hai Raja Guru, Maharaja Guru, daripada tajar menyenseng Engkaulah anak Betara Guru Hai hantu tanah, benah tanah Aku tahu asal kau jadi: Jembalang tanah Daripada kilat sabung-menyabung Undur kau dari sini ke laut yang dalam Aku tahu asal kau jadi: Ke rimba yang sunyi Daripada embun setitik Antara aku dengan engkau, aku tahu asal kau jadi

Ho Raja Guru, Maharaja Guru Thou art sons of Bhattara Guru Ho, ghost of the earth, blight of the earth I know the origin from which you sprang: Demon of the earth From the flashing lightning Retire ye hence to the depths of the sea I know the origin from which you sprang: To the peace of the forest From a single drop of dew between you and me, I know the origin from which you came into being

Space Function for Social Interaction : internal

. Internal Spaces - The House

The traditional Terengganu Malay house has a very simple basic layout. It consists of three main areas:
· `Serambi', also known as `Selasar', the reception area.
· `Rumah Ibu', the main part of the house used mainly for family living and sleeping.
· `Dapor', the kitchen area, also used for dining.

The three main areas are formed by slight floor level changes and positioning of doorways to separate the different areas. The `Rumah Ibu' has the highest floor level while the `Selasar' and `Dapor' floor levels are dropped slightly on both sides of the 'Rumah Ibu'. This is symbolic of the importance of the 'Rumah Ibu' which is considered sacred and contains the main family sleeping, living and praying area. This innermost part of the house is also the most sacred territory used normally by family members. It is the heart of the house.

a) 'Serambi' (Selasar) — Reception

This area is located on the front side of the house facing the public street or 'square'. Sometimes this 'Serambi' area consists of only a roofed raised platform area without any walls. This raised platform area normally runs along the whole or part of a side or end of the 'Rumah Ibu'. Its floor is always lower than that of the 'Rumah Ibu'. This place for reception of guests may be of various kinds, each being given a different Malty name. The long verandah called the 'Scrambi' or 'Selasar' and the 'Anjong' are the two main ones. These two types are the only real reception rooms. The others, like the 'Jemoran' and the 'Rumah Tangga' are subsidiary places and were not originally meant for receiving guests. Male visitors are normally received in this 'Serambi' area but females arc often entertained in the 'Dapor' area where they tend to congregate. If the visitors are family relatives or very close family friends, they arc some-times entertained by the lady of the house in the 'Rumah lbu' area while the men remain in the front 'Serambi'. Normally the ordinary visitors see only the 'Serambi'. All the social and religious functions of kampung life take place in the 'Serambi'. This includes feasts, gatherings, meals and prayers in which non-family members take part. In houses which do not have the 'Scrambi' area, the 'Rumah Ibu' is used or sometimes temporary shelters are built on the ground. This 'Scrambi' area is where the wedding, circumcision, funeral and prayer ceremonies are performed. 'Tikar', a type of straw mat, are spread on the floor for the guests to sit on and food is served during these functions and gatherings. No other bulky furniture is needed. As mentioned earlier, sometimes the 'Serambi' area is not walled, like the 'Rumah Tangga' version. This provides a popular relaxing area for men in the evening when the tropical air has cooled down. This area thus plays another important social role. It provides an interaction area between the household members lounging here.and the public passers by who stop for a chat or exchange greetings and news. The 'Serambi' is also used as a sleeping area for younger unmarried men of the house and other male house guests. In the daytime it is used for giving the children religious instructions and 'Koran' reading lessons. The 'Serambi' is also used for mending and repairing fishing nets and other implements during the 'unproductive' rainy north-east monsoon period from November to February. During this period heavy rain falls for days without break. The 'Scrambi' is thus temporarily turned into a workshop area. Even during the normal season visitors can sometimes finc1 Iish nets and fish traps hung on the wall of' this area. When a larger space is required for more extensive repair work the sheltered area underneath the house is used. This area under the house is described further later.


b) 'Rumah Ibu' — The Main House

The 'Rumah Ibu' usually has the highest floor level. It holds the main family sleeping area. The father and mother together with the babies and the younger children sleep in one part of the house. The elder unmarried daughters, the married daughters and the husbands each have parts of the room to themselves, which are screened off by cloth hung across the room. Unmarried female guests sleep with the young unmarried daughters of the hosts. One of the most noticeable features of the Malay house is the absence of solid full height walls or partitions separating or isolating the different areas. Any partitions provide only limited `privacy'. This is where. it differs greatly from the house concept of its Western counterparts. It is essential to understand the Malay concept of family life in order to appreciate their way of living in their homes. The physical form of the building in its relationship to family life is usually assumed to be in essence receptive-reflective rather than causative-formative. It is commonly accepted that the house is but a mirrored image of the family therein. Since the light timber or bamboo panels of the walls do not effectively keep out sound, the Malay from early childhood is accustomed to all kinds of noise from the outside: cocks crowing, ducks clucking-etc. . . Lack or absence of full height internal walls separating the various areas further conditions them to noises and sound from within the house. Any conversa­tion, music playing and crying of babies have all members of the household either as active or passive participants. As a result, all activities within the house are conducted with a degree of mutual regard and respect among the family members that would be unusual in the individualistic Western society. No vices or virtues can he hidden for there is absolutely nowhere to hide them. `Huts everything about each member of the family, even private affairs are known to all the other family members and decisions are seldom left to the individual alone. It seems almost as if the individual, accustomed to the exposure of his or her private life from infancy, has consequently never felt the need for privacy. It is therefore not surprising that no word exists for privacy in the Malay language. Normally there are no private bedroom areas in the traditional Malay house but a `communal' sleeping area is formed by spreading mats or mattresses on the floor at night. The different areas within the 'Rumah Ibu' are not permanently separated but are formed by having cloth hung across the room. In the 'Rumah Ibu' an attic space is sometimes found in the roof space under the high pointed gables, called 'Tebar Layar'. The screens slope upwards and inwards forming a shallow platform which extends across the base of the gable. This platform, called 'Undan-undan', is usually used for storage of brass or other valuable household utensils. Sometimes even cakes which are cooked for feasts or for sale are stored here. The same usage is found in Bali where family valuables are stored on these types of bamboo racks. Although not normal in Trengganu, sometimes this attic space is used as a secure sleeping place for young unmarried girls. As mentioned earlier the 'Rumah Ibu' is the most private and sacred part of the house: the innermost area. It is a restricted area mainly for family members only.

c) 'Dapor' — The Kitchen

The 'Dapor' is normally located on the opposite side of the 'Serambi' area of the house. The `Dapor' area is the place where the female members of the household tend to congregate and spend most of their time cooking. It is easily approached by female visitors by using the back entry. Every Malay house has at least two entrances, one into the front `Serambi' and the other into the `Dapor' area at the back. It is normal practice for a female visitor to proceed straight to the `Dapor' back entrance to seek her female counterparts without first going up to the `Serambi' area, while her husband is being received and entertained at the front reception area. It is the normal practice for male and female members to conduct their social activity separately. Sometimes if the woman is a very close family friend or a relative, she is entertained in the `Rumah Ibu' area. The 'Dapor' is mainly the cooking area. Sometimes part of it is set aside to be used as a 'dining' area. It is quite normal in a large Malay family for family members to have their meals separately at different times. Food can be eaten in the 'Rumah Ibu' area too and guests are normally invited to dine in the 'Serambi' area. The cooking area consists of a simple arrangement of a wood-fire surrounded by a partially enclosed circle of large rocks on which the 'kuali' (a 'wok') rests over the open fire. Sometimes a crude wooden box forms a sort of frame for the 'kuali' to rest on. Cooking utensils are normally stored away by hanging them on the kitchen walls. It is normal to have a small hole opening in the floor in the kitchen through which left-overs or waste food are thrown out below to the waiting hens and ducks who feed on them. Since the 'Dapor' is facing the back of the house compound, it normal­ly fronts onto the washing or bathing area where a well or river is found. It is not uncommon to find this well on the side or even in the front compound of the house. If no river runs nearby clothes are washed at the wells. The well (or river) is also the source of drinking and cooking water. It could be a personal private bathing area or a shared one. The bathers wear a piece of 'sarong' (cloth) around their body and bathe by pouring water from a 'timba' (a hand water bucket). The ablutions before prayers are also done at the well.

Space Function for Social Interaction : external

External Areas

The external spaces as earlier mentioned are categorized as public areas. The areas inclusive of the followings:

a) Fence And The House Compound

Around the Malay house often there is no fence: the boundary is marked by a row of plants or betel palms. Whether there is a fence or not will also depend on the status of the owner, on his industry, on the nature of his cultivation and the proximity of his goats, cows and buffaloes. A popular type still used in Terengganu today is the rail fence of round bamboo or a stout wattled fence of bamboos. Fences in ancient times were found mainly about the houses of chiefs. According to Munshi Abdullah writing on the root(") principle of Malay politics, "under Malay rule, men were afraid to build stone houses, or gilded boats or to wear fine clothes, shoes or umbrellas because all these were the peculiar perquisites of the Raja (and also ruling) class". To most fences there will be no gate at all, or just a gate of bamboo. However, some fences of noblemen will have a delicately done gateway. It was common practice for Malay homes to be built fronting the river as this was the main means of travelling. The gateway symbolises the entry into a private compound of a household. It sets a boundary between the street and the `kampung' — compound. This particular gateway (shown in the photo) consists of a series of folding gate leafs. Normally only one is used by house-hold members, servants and visitors. During festive times, as a sign of wel­coming visitors, the whole gate is folded away to the side to invite people into the compound. In older settlements, compounds will be planted with a fine variety of fruit trees — mangosteen, banana, rambutan, chiku and coconuts. The coconut tree especially is a very useful and practical tree; the palms are used for weaving mats, the coconut milk and flesh make a refreshing dish while the shells or husks are serviceable as water containers. It is an age old custom for a family to plant a coconut tree to mark the birth of a child in the family. Normally in front of a house is a small open space skirted perhaps with minor vegetation. There may be a well for drinking, bathing and washing.


b) 'Bawah Rumah' — Area Underneath The House

The space underneath the house is a functional and versatile utility area. Besides being a useful sheltered workshop area it is also used for storage. 'Perahus' are also stored and repaired here during the rough seas of the Northeast monsoon. Fishing nets are also normally hung up here and mended during the wet season. Animals kept by the family like hens, ducks, goats and cows are secured and kept underneath the house. This helps to protect them from wild animals and also deters thieves. Firewood for cooking is normally stored here too and brought up in small quantities to the kitchen. It is common practice in the 'kampung' to smoke the underside of the house at dusk by burning rubbish with wooden twigs and damp leaves to discourage mosquitoes from the vicinity of the house. The area underneath the house also becomes more functional during wedding occasions where this area is used to store goods as well as acting as an open kitchen. besides, this area also encourages interactions and communications amongst the villagers as they often hand in hand helps each other during the preparation of any event.

house architectural setting as indication of social status of house patrons and their cultural backgrounds

At all degrees of craftsmanship, rumah tiang dua belas reflect social position, that can be understood only by taking account of the social and cultural contexts in which it exists. Similarly, the fabrication modes of the embellishments carved by the craftsmen are influenced by social and cultural considerations either on their technical or their visual aspects. These modes have been accepted and developed in the Malay dwellings which are occupied by Muslim dwellers. Embellishment within the prominent residences is a tangible customary culture of wealthy Malays in the 19th to 20th centuries. Their homes are not considered full-fledged, if there is a no existence of embellishment. Carved components with beautiful motif are as a representation of traditions, and their application is varied with the socioeconomic characteristics of the houses patrons. Muslim dwellers' status of wealth and social rank are the determinants on the modes of embellishment. Both social status of the house patrons and their cultural backgrounds were linked by the expressions of this particular mode of embellishment. This suggests the importance of aesthetics in their abodes that signify their status and wealth. For example, the components on the walls of Wan Embong’s house of 1800 signify the importance of matching ornament to the residence social status. Wan Embong was a sailor and a descendant of a reputable family due to wealth and deep religious knowledge. Several decades later, the character of the carving design has not changed as appeared in Tahir’s house of 1908.

Wan Embong's House

Tahir's house

Tok Ku Paloh's House 

The long-roofed houses in which the architectural form differs from the other Malay traditional houses give their distinctive distributions of ornate wood carvings especially on the upper section of convex walls. For example, the emplacements of carvings with flora motifs are distributed into distinctive setting position within the walls of Tok Ku Paloh’s house as illustrated in picture visual forms of the components are skillfully crafted and formatted by the craftsmen to fit the house architectural setting and synchronized with the pattern of the components distribution.

In short, the Malay social and cultural aspects are the converging values in architectural ornament and dwelling. Both aspects deal basically with the two laws; tradition and nature. The fabrication of the houses and their woodcarving as embellishment certainly reflects the richness of woodwork in the Malay culture in the past.

Motif Design

Studies shows that Rumah Tiang Dua Belas in Kelantan and Terenggamu  have same carved motifs such as floral motifs , geometric and calligraphic compared to other forms. It occurs when the core belief and faith backed by several important factors such as religion , beliefs , customs , philosophy and environment. Three of these motifs are the basic motif is in Rumah Tiang Dua Belas of traditional Malay houses which form the earliest built in Malaysia .There are no animal motif because Malay people which majority of them are Muslim, did not want to have any kind of animal worshiping happen. This is due to their teaching in Islam which forbid them from worshiping anything except Allah.

Floral Motif

                                                                         Caligraphy Motif

       Geometrical Motif Pattern